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MessageSujet: RADICAL & DECOLONIAL RAP, HIP HOP & MUSIC   Mar 4 Aoû - 5:44

Decolonial Rap Andrew Smolski May 15, 2015

His most recent album is Patologias del Invisible Incomodo: Lado B, which is discussed in this interview. His website is Also, check out the songs “Autonomo” and “Aire”, my personal favorites, which I have been waking up to as of late. Check out “Mecanica” w/ Cambiowashere if you are looking for a good time.

Solidaridad y abrazo fuerte. Hasta la próxima vez.

Andrew Smolski is a writer, and this interview was done as a labor of love for music that brings us closer to a social revolution.

This interview occurred in December, 2014 in Mexico City. Bocafloja was kind enough to meet up with me, after I had discovered his music and thought it important to bring him to a different type of political audience. Bocafloja is a rapper, poet, academic, and founder of Quilomboarte, a collective of artistis/musicians working on decolonial aesthetics. He has produced five albums and two books, along with an amazing number of collaborations. Born in Mexico City, and currently living in New York City, he focuses on the way race, class, and oppression can be overcome and analyzed through music. He has toured around the world. I would say his overriding message is to organize the hood, admirable as much as it is important. This interview covers politics, identity, aesthetics, and race. I transcribed it from a recording that has all the life of Mexico City in the background, as we sat outside off a main street in Taxqueña. It has taken me a bit of work, but I also translated it, cussing included.

My many thanks to Bocafloja, who also invited me to a private show in Xochimilco off the beaten path, down a back alley. I will be forever indebted to him for that experience, and this interview.

Lastly, congratulations on Quilomboarte’s 10th Anniversary! Enjoy the celebration in Mexico City this weekend with Brother Ali. -AS

Citation :
Andrew Smolski: This is an interview with Bocafloja. We are here in Mexico City, DF, at Café El Jarrocho. Thanks so much for coming to be with me today.

Bocafloja: Thanks to you guys for the opportunity.

AS: In order to share the ideas you express in your music, I believe this interview is very important. Especially, when with rap right now there are Lil Wayne and others dominating the market and fucking everything up.

So, the first question I have is very general. Aesthetically how do you base the production of music on the sociopolitical idea of decolonization? What differentiates it from the culture industry’s colonized, capitalist music?

B: Well, first, I would say that the primordial difference is the political agenda. On the aesthetic level, decolonized music presents itself as a direct antagonist to the traditional values promoted by the culture industry. But, more important than anything else, is the form of signifying the body in a different manner, the body of the oppressed, giving it an intention distinct from the one the culture industry is hoping for us.

So, we believe in the irremediable negotiation, not due to conviction, but for having no other possibility of subsistence with the capitalist schematic. We are trying to devolve it, to resignify it. So, probably we would be utilizing a lot of aesthetic icons that appear to be coherent with capitalism, but through our body and the significance we are giving to these icons, we are changing completely their aesthetic façade. Obviously, we are vindicating another type of values, another type of historic icons, another type of individual and collective experiences.

AS: Then, it isn’t exactly counter-hegemonic, but more transmodern? Like, it is inside the capitalist system, using some of its symbols to change the language?

B: It is using them, but it isn’t embracing them, it isn’t glorifying them. It is very different. And it is inside not because I have a reformist position. It is inside because I believe there is nobody that isn’t inside. Inside this center of power, we represent the margin and a periphery. It would be romantic to think that we aren’t a part of this capitalist monster. There isn’t anyone who isn’t or wouldn’t be a part of it, there isn’t a person who exists who wouldn’t be. In my way of seeing realistically the situation, in one way or another we have some relationship with this monster. So, more than embracing it or trying to reform it, we are there negotiating inside of it.

AS: Ok, I believe this is a good point, because in the past it was blow up everything, this was the line of attack…I want to say the leftist line of attack, but sometimes I don’t like that word, I like more as you say, the oppressed of the periphery. So, when we speak of not reforming it, and we are speaking of negotiating within it, that, I believe, is linked to what you discuss in your class syllabus, “self-managing economies in the context of counter-hegemonic cultural production.” And for me, I want to know what links this idea has with the work of Enrique Dussel, the philosophy of liberation, and autopoiesis. Because to me, it seems well connected to it, especially when we speak of the oppressed and periphery.

B: Ya, well, in reality what happens is the decolonial turn, or the decolonial agenda, necessarily has to include in its process the economic part of financial sustainability. Especially, representing peripheral entities that are inside the structure of power that is at the center. Then, it is part of our responsibility to try and generate forms of self-sustainability and financial business that are able to give us autonomy and on certain levels able to keep us producing, subsisting, and existing. So, we have a direct relationship with the use of money, capital’s coin, as such, but with an “approach” different to the significance it has and the value money possesses.

AS: Because, in the end you can’t live without money in this world. And, at the same time, in the US you can’t sell yourself without having a gangsta representation, which isn’t linked with any fight for rights, for justice, or things of that sort. So, another question, and linked to autopoiesis, is how can you construct self-sustainability in rap, accounting for this point of view and concept of the body, when the gangsta representation, that image, is very hegemonic and is used to damage and criminalize young black and brown men in the United States and on this side of the border as well? What do you think of this gangsta representation and is there a way we can use it to fight for justice?

B: Look, I believe that corresponds to a phenomenon of cooptation that power and hegemony have for neutralizing movements surging organically as manifestations of marginality. It is not only limited to the experience of gangsta rap as such. I believe this includes other manifestations, such as conscious hip-hop, which lends itself more to being coopted by the hegemony, and they are more dangerous because of how they operate and the narrative they manage.

We have to remember that the experience of gangsta rap as such in its foundation is an anti-systemic experience primarily. And it is an anti-systemic experience that is not in some cases politicized, but in general results in a much more transgressive, much more uncomfortable music for the structures of power, than conscious rap or political rap.

We have to remember examples of many artists of conscious rap who have been coopted by the Department of State of the United States to be cultural ambassadors in different parts of the world, like Syria, like other parts of the Middle East, including conscious Islamic-American rappers that are representing an international political agenda for the United States through cultures more affable for people of color in other parts of the world. So, I believe gangsta rap, as such, in its foundation is simply anti-systemic and transgressive.

We should remember, for example, what a rapper like Tupac Shakur was doing, to a certain degree, who came from an experience of politicization very close to being a “Panther Baby”. He knew, he came from that experience of the Black Panthers, and accounting for all his contradictions and process of growth, he achieved politically through gangsta rap things that no conscious rapper has achieved, such as establishing political, ethical, and moral codes between Crips and Bloods in the United States. At the end of the day this is the type of community that most makes uncomfortable the system, that they would organize and politicize themselves, the marginality of the people in the prisons.

So, I believe a lot in gangsta rap, I see in it a lot of positive things as it is. I believe it is only about doing politicization work. Revolutionary change will come from there, it won’t come from conscious rap.

AS: Ya. Really, I wrote a question following that thought, because for me, I grew up in a working class neighborhood in the US. We weren’t poor, but we didn’t have money. And there, it was simply a question of how to navigate the ideal of Robin Hood, the outlaw that isn’t an outlaw in the eyes of those like him, the working class. So, what have you seen, your experience of people navigating this to politicize the barrio, when there is this other gangsta life, other gangsta culture, that pulls them towards being egoists?

Like there is a rapper in Houston, Z-Ro, that always says “I ride one deep”, that “I don’t have friends, only associates”, and that life, that thinking, so egotistical and destroys the solidarity that we can have, especially in organization like Crips and Bloods, that has happened various times in history.

B: That is part of the structure of power’s job, to coopt and neutralize those political experiences. What is MTV doing and what is the hegemonic culture industry promoting in gangsta rap? It is the glorification of violence for the sake of violence, the violence itself, like consumption for the sake of consumption, hypermasculinity writ-large with an adapted potency. That is what MTV and the culture industry sell easily and want to promote, and it is that dream and that part of their political strategy of neutralization. Nothing more. MTV and the culture industry never are talking about community relevance, hood organization, they aren’t talking about ethical codes, they aren’t talking about forms of political organization, they don’t speak about codes inside the jails. What they talk about are superficial things.

So, it is a phenomenon that can’t be delimited to the experience of gangsta rap. It happens in almost every cultural manifestation that has been coopted. What you are talking about, the exercise of cooptation is part of the present structure of power. Then, what they do, when they start to note the relevance, they capture it, they neutralize it, they take away its flavor, its edge, they package it, they invest money in it and they sell it massively. I don’t believe it is a phenomenon you can delimit to just gangsta rap.

AS: Ya, basically they promote corporatist fascist organizations, in my opinion. Like in the US, we have the “History Channel” where they put on programs about mafiosos. Mafia organization have ethical codes and everything like that, but they have a corporatist structure, and in my opinion are very fascist. “You do what I want, or I kill you.” “I am going to kill this guy because he is the Other.” So, thinking about how they neutralize people, music, how they use the media, and you expressing decolonization, how can you express that idea to people so inside this other ideology, the dominant ideology? Really, how can you say to another person that they are inside when they say, “I want money, its all I want.”? How is it possible to break, possibly little by little, or all at once, that sensibility people have after all these years?

B: Well, it is a complex mission in which we aren’t measuring the success of this process based on how many people we convert. I believe what we are trying to do is open up this platform for discussion and put it on the table in a form that people would be able to have some type of connection with and with who are promoting this type of knowledge, this platform of operation. So, it is much easier for a lot of people that through music they are able to identify themselves with me than being able to identify themselves with a person that perhaps has a sterile, flavorless, dry, academic discourse who represents a different politics.

So, for that we use media like rap in which we are sharing the same language, we have experiences growing up very similar, and we have a discourse that is in some way, I believe, that anyone is able to identify with. We, like I said, are not rejecting the idea of being a part of that system or questioning if someone has like Jordans on his feet, you understand? We are part of that experience and we have to go beyond those exercises which are disconnecting us from the barrio. We can speak to the gangstas, because we come from the same experience.

AS: Yes! I am really in agreement. Yesterday, I was with an academic friend from Poly, and we were talking about the fact that now Mexico confronts a possible revolutionary moment, but also possibly it is just the recurrence of the same dumbfuckery. And we arrived at an agreement on the fact that the most advanced political position is the Zapatista’s, and your position is similar to that. We don’t want a politics that is separated from society. We want a politics inside of society, speaking the way society is speaking, in its way of talking. But the political parties, which is the formal way of taking power in Mexico, don’t want any of that. So, my question is what do you think of the ways of taking power inside of society, like organizing without organizing, or ironically, how to be political without being political? Inside of rap, how to use a decolonized discourse at the same time as having Jordans?

B: It is complicated work that has to be negotiated with its proper contradictions and its proper forms of connecting to power. I believe a lot in the subject of the power our own bodies have as marginalized beings to be able to change the sense of things. I believe the example of the Zapatistas is a very relevant historical example. I would say it is one of the forms at the idea level, and through the work they have achieved, one of the most dignified historical examples that has happened in the history of the world.

Power functions in a more complex form. So, power, as it is, has a whole apparatus operating that goes about cutting down, closing doors, so that protests, exercises, platforms, and organizations, such as the Zapatistas, can’t grow further in the barrio. Look, I can’t marry myself to one idea or one form of doing politics or one form of understanding politics. I believe that we have to play the game of strategy, and understand how to move the pieces because this is how the political spectrum functions. Then, I believe that we should value the contributions of every movement, and to make strategies and keep pushing. And the fact that a Left in Mexico would be governing doesn’t mean automatically that we have to stop critical thought. It is complicated, not easy, it is a difficult process. We have to negotiate and continue doing.

AS: Really, this is like a conversation I had with my buddy Mario about Venezuela. People forget that there is a Left that is more Left than the Socialist Party in Venezuela. The militant barrios there have and want power, and they are in a struggle with and against the government. We always talk about the Right against the Venezuelan government, but there are people who are to the left of it that never get covered in the news, even in La Jornada, just forget about it.

Well, I want to return to some other questions. So, this act of making invisible these people is part of the power system. I know that was a concept on your recent album Las Patologias del Invisible Incomdo: Lado B and possibly you could explain a bit more, because in the US this is also an important theme with the protests against the police for killing black folks every day and there is no justice. So, please, could you explain more about the invisibles?

B: Ok, the pathology of the uncomfortable invisibles is a medical term basically identifying a symptom causing a physical or mental problem, identifying what makes you feel bad. In this case, it is a metaphor for colonialism as an infirmity, like a physical and mental problem in the body of the oppressed. We speak of the uncomfortable invisible, which is historically curious that we are made invisible, we have been reduced to zero inside the structure of power, but at the same time that invisibility doesn’t stop being uncomfortable for certain structures, for certain hegemons. So, it is about identifying colonialism as the origin of a lot of problems we have as individuals, and from there comes the theme and title of the album.

Then, the album speaks about a lot of things, having colonialism as a central point for talking about different themes. There is a theme of food, diet, the form the system takes infiltrating and contaminating our corporeal systems through food, we speak about sexuality, we speak about social and political problems like gentrification, we speak about an infinity of themes from international politics. And we speak always from the body of the oppressed and invisible to achieve with this platform emancipation and decoloniality, and this is the central point of the album.

AS: Something you said right now made me think. I have a hybrid experience. I have passed a lot of time with whites like myself, and with blacks and “latinos” in the US. And I have always noticed that whites always say they aren’t racist, but the moment only whites are around say really racist shit. And the moment a black dude shows up they don’t say that racist shit, but even then say racist things, and the black dude isn’t supposed to call them out for it. Like that, subjectivity and the being of the uncomfortable invisible can be understood? In New York, have you had an experience like that, or visiting a university?

B: Ya, well, I am conscious of how my body signifies in every space. In every place of the world our body has a different significance. And a lot of the exercise of embracing identity as a political affirmation is not just simply parked in the question of skin color or culture, but more it is a political affirmation with all these implications and more. And well, one has a body language, as well very specific, that results in making a lot of people uncomfortable.

So, in this sense every day of my life I have been in situations, not just in Mexico, in the US too, in which I identified the form of operation as racism. Like you said, there are situations in which a smile, a laugh, a greeting are racist exercises. Not necessarily do you have to wait until someone would tell you, “Nigger son of a bitch; Indian, son of a bitch” or this or that. There are many forms for racism to operate.

Especially, when we speak of liberal democracy and all their politics, like Hillary Clinton, which are the politics of “kill you with a smile”. They promote multi-culturalism, they promote ethnic, racial, and cultural diversity, but they are always putting us in a secondary position in making decisions, in the platforms of power. That, as it is, is a racist act of multiculturalism. So, it is even more complex, because these types of politics where they smile and give you their hand, is all a suspicious act. It is not like the white Republican, the conservative, who clears it up for you and says, “I don’t like you”, to your face and then you know immediately he is an antagonist. Racism operates in a lot of ways, and so I live it every day.

AS: Mao said something, and I am not a fan of Mao, but he said something funny when he met Henry Kissinger, the most evil person of the second half of the 20th century, and Richard Nixon, “I trust Republicans more because the Republicans are more honest with their hate of me. The liberals come and they are friendly with me but they do to me exactly what you Republicans do in the end.” Like you were saying, how do we manage, something for which I have no experience as a white guy. And if I am honest with myself, I have my own problems and proper subjectivity that fucks me up and I think “Screw this black guy” and I have to tell myself, “No way jackass, this dude is more oppressed than you and he is a human being just like you and he has a history and I need to take that into account.” So, when we speak about being honest in a liberal society, how can we manage that conversation? And sometimes, I have the thought that it isn’t people of color’s responsibility to tell the dumb white fuck how things run, right?

B: Of course not! Because there is a structure of power that benefits one side and not the other, so we are always in a disadvantaged position: historically, textually, tangibly, and palpably. So, with all that, then having to explain ourselves is really problematic.

I believe that also it should be stressed and made clear that our antagonistic position is not to say “I don’t like whites” for the simple fact of not liking white people
. It’s like, our fight is not against the white person per se, but against the exercises of white supremacy and the form in which whiteness and the politics of whiteness operates. I believe that white people need to check themselves, account for their privileges, and undergo whatever interaction with communities of color with that understanding. They have to add up all those processes and articulate those privileges to try to equalize the historical process.

So, no it isn’t like we don’t work with you because you are white, or not want anything to do with you. It is more like you have to check your privileges, the whites have the responsibility to put themselves at attention with the form they operate in with people of color and try to always lay out that pattern to connect with people and say, “I am conscious of my privileges and I am accounting for myself.” Because there is a thin line between that and a “white savior” who arrives and says, “I am going to help you, but I have to tell you how you have to help people, I am going to tell you how to organize, I am going to tell you how to speak.” That is a rancid structure of power, and like that it don’t function.

AS: You are right, a white savior normally turns into an authoritarian dictator quickly, telling everyone what to do.

B: Ya, and in some way that is what it is, just dressed up with an inclusive and multicultural agenda. But, at the end of the day, you see it in Mexico and places like Guatemala, places like that, where white people arrive with apparently good intentions, bring their liberal political agendas, promoting multiculturalism, etc. with money, but you have these organizations and who makes the decisions, and who directs the organizations for helping the community and developing the community are the white people. So, at the end of the day, they just keep reproducing the same patterns of oppression that exist in the other structures those same people criticize. It is very complicated, very harmful, very rancid.

AS: In this conversation, especially about white supremacy, there is also the cooptation of the gangsta image by rich white kids.

B: It is seductive for white rich kids in the suburbs to adopt this image, because it is an exoticized image that sells easily, that is attractive, that it is cool to be a thug. But, that is part of white privilege. You are some little shit in the white suburb, and you can dress up gangsta for four days, but the moment you get tired of it, the moment you are exhausted of it, you take off your costume and you go home and you are happy with your life. That is what privilege does historically to the body. It is easy to glorify it, it is easy to consume it, it is easy to exoticize it from the platform of privilege. The problem is what if they would have to go through what others have to go through because of it. Surely they wouldn’t do it, they wouldn’t be involved in that life.

AS: Part of that is in the vocabulary, right? A white guy dressed up gangsta is not described the same as a black guy, because the black guy isn’t dressed up, it is possibly part of his life in his barrio. The white guy is just an idiot, like other white folks will say, “look at this idiot.” But, the black guy is always labeled a criminal, “Look at this criminal.”

B: Exactly.

AS: So, especially in this moment, and not only for the other side of the border where black folks are protesting, but for this side of the border where the indigenous are protesting. And music can manage this tough job because it can explicate what are people’s ideal and what they want. Instead of having someone impose demands, like they have tried to do on black folks in the US with the idea of cameras of police. Seriously, we know that doesn’t matter, camera, no camera, Eric Garner is still dead there in the street for selling a loosie. So, in this sense, and thinking about this further, what do you think are demands music is able to express in a more general sense, or are there demands that you have in mind for this or that side of the border?

B: Well, I believe that music offers us possibilities for analysis, at least in my case, more profound in many ways, but at the same time that profundity is an accessible profundity that has atemporal repercussions. That means, if I stop today at a protest and I read a speech, it is a speech that remains in that moment, and whoever captures it does, and whoever doesn’t, doesn’t, and just keeps walking. It is very sterile, and it can seem even inaccessible and boring for a community. I believe the advantage music has is the capacity to multiply itself, the capacity to keep itself in space and access itself at different times and in different processes and to make profound analyses, analyses that through musicality would be able to connect with people who don’t necessarily have the energy or wish in any exact moment to connect to well-read or critical analysis.

So, I think in terms of the themes that I have worked on most is establishing questions of race in the context of Latin America. This is a theme that makes uncomfortable a lot of people, and it obviously makes the Latin American Left uncomfortable. The Latin American Left, the criollos, direct descendents of Spaniards, they don’t want to accept that they are the whites of Latin America. They don’t want to talk about race. The discussion for them is based on class struggle, rich against poor, but doesn’t offer the possibility of a dialogue about racial questions.

I think the case of the Ayotzinapa student speaks very well to a historical process of structural racism in this country. A white leftist Mexican activist isn’t the same in the media as the son of a farmer in Guerrero, they aren’t worth the same. In the same imaginary of the Latin American Left exists a racism, a racism that corresponds to processes of colonialism internal to this country and almost all countries in Latin America. The countries made themselves independent from Spain, but only changed owners, who stayed in positions of power were the criollos, the Spanish descendants who were the new administrators of power and wealth in the country. And those families for generations have maintained themselves in positions of power. Latin America founded itself on everyone being equal, but in reality we aren’t. So, I believe in terms of the work that I do, in establishing this dialogue about race relations in Latin America, steps on one of the most relevant themes today.

AS: Ya, there is something stupid on the other side of the border where they think in Mexico it is just about class, and there is no racial structure.

B: Right. This is the discourse, including when you arrive really inside the discussion of race, practically they institute a Mexican-ness, a Latin-ness, a racial community that just isn’t true. So, we know who are the people that have the majority of power, access and privileges in Mexico, and they are white Mexicans.

AS: For that, there is a failure of identity politics, because if identity is only something as strict as “latino”, this doesn’t allow for the expression of all these other identities.

B: Exactly.

AS: A Nahua woman is not considered a Mexican in Mexico, And really, maybe they don’t want to be Mexican. It is because of that that they fight against the State. And that demand is important and forgotten, because the moment you turn on the TV in Mexico, you note the racial structure. Every telenovela I have seen demonstrates that structure.

B: Clearly.

AS: All the rich are white, and the moment a servant arrives in the scene she is brown. And I am gringo, I still see it quickly. It is the same on the other side of the border. You turn on the television, and all the shows about professionals are all white, except for a token friend. The moment a black person is in the scene, they are typically a criminal robbing white folks.

B: Exactly. It is the form of operating, there is nothing else to it. The schematic of white supremacy operates perfectly in Latin America, it is rancid. The white colonial aesthetic, you see it all the time. From here going back to your house, check out the billboards and it looks like you are in Norway.

AS: Ya. American hegemony is very strong. Almost all the movies I have seen advertised are from America. I have been here a week so far, and I have not seen one advertisement for La Dictadura Perfecta. Not one!

B: I think that in the colonial imaginary of the average Mexican, in how it drives us, the economic dependence on the US, and in some cases cultural dependence, is quite palpable, very strong. But, the strongest referents on the aesthetic and cultural levels, considering here beauty, good living, still go back to Spain. Like, the hegemonic pattern of good living, aesthetics, beauty, and a whole series of dispositions implicitly considered positive are based on the character of the white Spaniard, and that still counts a lot in Mexico, even more than the US. The question of the US is more a question of consumption and its dynamics, and some very specific cultural referents. But, on the larger scale, and I think the more perverse part, the hegemony is still Spain.

AS: I can agree with that because I see it with the fashion. Fashion here in Mexico is not from the US.

B: No, it is European.

AS: Ya, because the hypermasculinity of the US doesn’t permit men to dress like men dress in Mexico City. Seriously, it is something I had not thought of before, that there is much more linked to Spain than the US.

B: A lot more.

AS: It is part of my bias toward the imperialist Yankees.

B: Exactly. The colonial relation with the United States is a lot more about economic effects, consumption, financial and monetary dynamics. But, on the aesthetic and cultural level, let’s leave aside the everyday Mexican and talk about the Mexican intelligentsia. For a Mexican intellectual, all the referents are Europeans. The Mexican intelligentsia belittles manifestations like rap. The Mexican intelligentsia doesn’t have a fucking idea about Assata Shakur. They undervalue her. For them, she has no value. They don’t care about Angela Davis. They just don’t care.

You mentioned a bit ago La Jornada as a serious, responsible publication more associated with people’s causes, which still isn’t absent from reproducing the rancid problematics. Just look at the cultural agenda of La Jornada. For them, it is still much more relevant the painting going on in the Czech Republic, some Czech painter, than some painter in the Bronx.

It is curious, for another example, that even with the Mexican militancy and the particular case of Mumia Abu-Jamal, who has a certain popularity in Mexico because he arrived here through European anarchists, through that route. Mumia Abu-Jamal had to make a symbolic journey to Europe to receive his credentials of legitimation to be received by Mexican militants. Which is really problematic because it is a complete disconnect, a product of racism that belittles other protests. It is really rancid what happens here. European militants recognize Mumia Abu-Jamal, and the Mexican militants followed their example and legitimated his work because the Europeans said, “Hey, Mumia Abu-Jamal is relevant in the US. I, the European, am telling you. I am your political guide, your icon, your mentor for political references. I am telling you that you should support the relevant causes.” And so, the colonialist jump is like that, you understand me?

AS: Ya, I get it.

One last question, and speaking of race and class, there is an author, Paco Ignacio Taibo, that tries, sometimes and not all the time, to include in his novels and short stories, both. It is very problematic to try to navigate between the two, with each having its own singularity, and at the same time mixing in the social struggle. Is this something you have grappled with in your work?

B: Ya, it is a fundamental part of my body of work. The racial question, and thus class struggle, of course. I think they are processes which necessarily are intersecting all the time. I understand that there are moments they disassociate, but in the end they are things that go walking together practically all the time. Because, we see cases like the US about which some authors call the Lumpen Black Bourgeoisie, that is a class with a certain amount of participative black power facilitated by the structure of power to utilize them as an example of the black community in the US, which is part of the national project. So, you have blacks with money who are completely depoliticized, the racial questions seems to them as not outside of the constitution of the question of classes, but they are select percentages, very small numbers that the hegemony permits to flower in order to be able to justify the democratic national project. Perhaps because of that, class and race go hand in hand in my artistic project, not just music, but also literary and visual, implicit in all my work.

AS: Thank you so very for your time. Where are you headed too now?

B: Thank you. I am headed to Morelia.

AS: Ouch, safe travels.

As we parted, he gave me a gift, his most recent book Prognosis: Decolonial Poetic Exhale. In that book, in the poem, “Delicatessen”, he writes:

Citation :
“The pig accepts its position as a pig and celebrates it.

This is a pleasurable exercise that

generates a process of affirmation of porcine pride,

such that the pig

self-destructs in its own consciousness and turns its miserable condition

into an orgiastic carnival of shit.

I learned from Malcom that the pig is disgusting.”

Dernière édition par Patlotch le Lun 14 Mar - 9:29, édité 3 fois
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MessageSujet: DAM Rap Palestinien   Mar 4 Aoû - 6:44

Citation :
Dam, du rap palestinien engagé

Changer demain, Etranger dans mon propre pays, La liberté pour mes sœurs.

Trois titres évocateurs du nouvel album de DAM. Dam, pour Da Arabian MCs, c’est le groupe de rap qui s’impose sur la jeune scène hip hop palestinienne. Tamer Nafar, Suhell Nafar et Mahmoud Jreri font partie de ces « Palestiniens de 48 », qui vivent en Israël. DAM rappe sur les réalités quotidiennes de l’occupation israélienne, mais aussi sur des problèmes internes à la société palestinienne comme le terrorisme, la drogue, ou la condition des femmes. Inspiré par des artistes de la scène hip hop tels que NAS, IAM, NTM ou Saïan Supa Crew, DAM donne une dimension unique à son rap en y intégrant des mélodies orientales dignes d’un Marcel Khalifa. Le hip hop palestinien ou la naissance d’une nouvelle forme de résistance…

Le premier album de DAM, « Stop Selling Drugs » est sorti localement en 1998, suivi en 2001 de « Min Irhabi » (« qui sont les terroristes ? »). Le morceau controversé de cet album a paru sur internet et plus de 1 million de personnes l’ont téléchargé dans le mois de sa sortie sur le site Web ArabRap.Net. La chanson a été également distribuée librement avec le magazine Rolling Stone en France et est devenue un hymne de « rue ». Le titre a été également inclus en France dans une compilation pour la Palestine avec Manu Chao, Zebda, Noir Désir et d’autres artistes.

Qui sont les terroristes ?

Les paroles de “Min Irhabi” ont été étudiées dans plusieurs universités étrangères en raison de leur signification profonde, et ont été également employées dans des manifestations pro-Palestiniennes autour du monde.

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MessageSujet: DIANA AVELLA Colombie   Mar 4 Aoû - 7:00

interview : Diana Avella, une rappeuse qui n'a peur de rien

(espagnol sous-titré)

Diana Avella a écrit:

Pero mujer naci,
en un mundo pa’ machos,
de güevas, de pantalones,
de golpes, de maltrato,
de infidelidades, de irresponsabilidades,
de guerras, de multinacionales,
pero mujer naci,
en un mundo de varones,
donde a cada uno siete esclavas
la propiedad del alma, sin respeto de nada,
pero mujer naci para estar callada,
mujer naci, según el mundo para asearlo,
para saber cocinar y los hijos criarlos,
la labor doméstica y los ojos cerrados,
limitada la vista al perímetro privado,
característica el silencio, la sensibilidad,
el llanto como solución, amor
a todo en cuanto hiera, jamas refutar,
aguante máximo porque mujer nació para
buscar la voluptuosidad, asegurar la venta,
el éxito es un marido que mantenga,
y libertad se entenderá como poder
haciendo de modelo, presentadora de
y nada más, que saber callarse,
porque según muchos,
el chisme es lo mejor que ellas saben,
pero mujer naci, aprendí a resistir,
El rap es mi argumento, tengo algo por

Vamos que nada nos detenga, La lucha
continua, La victoria espera.
Vamos que mujer representa la vida el
argumento el amor y la fuerza.

mujer nace cuando sabe que es lo que en
el mundo hace,
mujer nace cuando ama la lucha
cuando se aferra al pensamiento,
cuando estudia la injusticia Para encontrar
lo correcto
en el momento que se para La belleza del
encontrando en su interior La estética de lo
dignidad, con tanta dignidad,
pues somos todas las muertes violentas,
pues Somos todo el dolor que alimenta,
la movilización, desde la periferia,
pues mujer naci, En un mundo pa’ machos,
para contradecirlos y también admirarlos,
para cuestionarlos y con amor mejorarlos,
para Unir mis manos a sus manos,
y perdonarlos por la gran ignorancia
de la Que sufren y sufrirán durante años,
por irrespetar, A las dueñas de la tierra,
al hogar de la vida, a la magia eterna,
el poder dar vida, El poder ser ella,
mujer naci orgullosa de este mi cuerpo Y
mis ideas.

…Naci mujer, orgullosa del Hip Hop y de
mis ideas…

Vamos que nada nos detenga, La lucha
continua, La victoria espera.
Vamos que mujer representa la vida el
argumento el amor y la fuerza.


Dernière édition par Patlotch le Mar 4 Aoû - 18:25, édité 1 fois
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MessageSujet: Re: RADICAL & DECOLONIAL RAP, HIP HOP & MUSIC   Mar 4 Aoû - 7:03

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MessageSujet: KAVEH Irano-Allemand   Mar 4 Aoû - 7:26

Rap décolonial

Entretien avec le rappeur irano-allemand KAVEH Selim Nadi, membre du PIR, 13 mars 2014

J’ai rencontré le rappeur irano-allemand Kaveh à son lieu de travail près de Wannsee (région berlinoise). Nous avons surtout discuté du rapport de la scène hip-hop allemande à l’État colonial d’Israël puisqu’il semble que le rap allemand soit contaminé par une branche assez spéciale de l’antifascisme allemand : les militants Antideutsch qui soutiennent inconditionnellement Israël – qui s’opposent ainsi aux luttes anti-impérialistes – et qui s’en prennent régulièrement aux non-blancs vivant en Allemagne.

Citation :
Pourrais-tu te présenter rapidement ?

K. : Je suis né en Iran mais nous sommes venus en Europe lorsque j’étais encore enfant. J’ai vécu quelque temps en banlieue parisienne avant de venir à Berlin. J’ai maintenant la nationalité allemande. J’ai commencé à écrire des textes de rap vers l’âge de 14/15 ans et c’est à cette même période que je me suis politisé. J’ai lu le Manifeste et j’ai commencé à m’intéresser à l’actualité politique à ce moment-là. Mon engagement artistique est donc indissociable de mon engagement politique. Je ne suis pas vraiment organisé politiquement. Disons que mon engagement passe par ma musique et par des manif’. Je suis dans la mailing list du réseau décolonial de Berlin, j’essaye de m’informer du mieux que je peux pour avoir des textes politiques un minimum pertinents. Je participe par ailleurs au projet « Spuck auf Rechts » qui est un projet de rap antifasciste. Des rappeurs (pas seulement Allemands d’ailleurs) envoient leurs sons et si jamais ça accroche, l’initiateur de ce projet réalise une vidéo gratuitement. De plus j’anime des ateliers d’écriture pour gagner ma vie.

Quand as-tu « rencontré » les militants sionistes Antideutsch 1 ?

K. : Je dirai qu’on a une histoire commune. Dans mes textes je suis très critique envers Israël et envers la politique étrangère des États-Unis. Il y a 4/5 ans, ils ont même interrompu l’un de mes concerts à Halle, un haut lieu des Antideutsch. C’était lors d’un festival : j’ai pu me produire pendant 20 minutes environ avant que mon concert ne soit interrompu par des militants Antideutsch. Mais au-delà des Antideutsch à proprement parler, il me semble que ce mouvement a permis à une frange plus large de la gauche allemande de se solidariser sans complexes avec Israël. Même si les Antideutsch ne sont pas spécialement nombreux (aujourd’hui du moins) j’ai l’impression que leur idéologie est quasiment devenue hégémonique en Allemagne. J’ai beaucoup de mal à trouver des concerts où me produire et je suis assez largement boycotté par des rappeurs de la scène antifa et mainstream.

J’ai lu qu’ils étaient présents sur la scène Hip-Hop allemande, qu’en est-il ?

K. : En gros, les rappeurs se revendiquant explicitement comme Antideutsch se font de plus en plus rares. C’est-à-dire que si tu demandes à un rappeur s’il se revendique comme Antideutsch, il est peu probable qu’il te réponde par l’affirmative, c’était le cas il y a quelques temps mais plus maintenant. Par contre il n’y a jamais de paroles anti-impérialistes. Si tu observes le schéma Antideutsch contre anti-impérialistes, il semble clair que la plupart des rappeurs « de gauche » ne se revendiquent pas comme anti-impérialistes. C’est quelque chose qui m’échappe complètement. Selon moi, on ne peut pas être « de gauche » sans être anti-impérialistes. Le côté anti-nationaliste des Antideutsch m’a toujours semblé … sympathique dirons nous. Mais le lien avec Israël n’est jamais loin. C’est-à-dire que l’analyse de la situation au Moyen-Orient passe toujours par le prisme de l’histoire allemande et du passé national-socialiste (NS-Vergangenheit). C’est assez ironique car, alors qu’ils se revendiquent comme anti-allemands, les Antideutsch passent constamment par le prisme allemand pour analyser les événements internationaux.

En Allemagne, rares sont les rappeurs/euses de gauche à vouloir s’afficher à mes côtés ou alors à accepter d’apparaître dans mes vidéos, de peur d’être qualifiéEs d’antisémites. Même certains rappeurs avec qui j’ai des affinités et avec qui je suis ami – comme Refpolk – ont peur d’apparaître à mes côtés publiquement quand il y a des paroles pro-palestiniennes, à cause de nos différences idéologiques d’une part, mais aussi sans doute de peur de perdre leur public. Parler ouvertement d’Israël de manière critique (même sans être anti-sioniste d’ailleurs) est aujourd’hui quasiment impossible en Allemagne sur la scène de gauche et sur la scène mainstream. En particulier sur la scène du Hip-Hop de gauche.

Comment caractériserais-tu la scène Hip-Hop allemande d’un point de vue politique ?

K. : La première chose à savoir est que le rap « engagé » est une nouveauté en Allemagne sur la scène mainstream. À la base, le rap allemand est plutôt festif ou alors gangsta, mais pas tellement politique. Mais avec la crise de 2008, les nouveaux mouvements sociaux et soulèvements – que ce soient les révolutions arabes ou le mouvement Occupy – les rappeurs ont peu à peu commencé à traiter de sujets politiques. Certains rappeurs qui n’ont jamais fait de politique et qui jouaient plutôt sur les codes bling-bling américains ont d’un seul coup commencé à écrire des textes qui se voulaient engagés. Après, il me semble qu’il existe une différence fondamentale entre le rap français et le rap allemand : le rap mainstream allemand vient de la classe moyenne blanche2 (d’où son peu de mobilisation politique initiale). Ce n’est pas une musique de révolte. Si tu regardes les rappeurs « engagés » à gauche les plus connus : ils sont presque tous blancs! Pas étonnant qu’ils ne traitent jamais d’Israël, ça reste une question abstraite pour eux. De plus, une logique assez allemande veut qu’on ait encore du mal à considérer des non-blancs comme allemands. Les Allemands sont encore trop imprégnés de cette logique du droit du sang : on est Allemand parce que l’on descend d’Allemands. Ce n’est pas comme en France où on veut bien accepter que des basanés soient Français – même s’ils ne sont pas toujours traités comme tels. Mais c’est aussi cela qui fait cette arrogance française – la France étant selon moi le centre de l’eurocentrisme – cette idée que l’on peut « civiliser » des non-blancs pour qu’ils deviennent Français. L’anti-nationalisme des Antideutsch reste donc totalement abstrait !!!! Personnellement je trouve très intéressant de critiquer la Nation et le Volk allemand. Le problème c’est que cette critique ne s’attaque pas tellement au racisme découlant de cette idée nationale : on parle sans arrêt de la période nationale-socialiste sans jamais s’arrêter sur les fils/filles d’immigrés et sur leur situation aujourd’hui. La plupart des rappeurs antifa que je connais traitent de questions autour desquelles règne, en Allemagne, un assez large consensus au sein de la gauche autonome : le sexisme, le capitalisme, l’homophobie, etc. … Le seul thème qui reste absent de cela c’est Israël et la politique extérieure américaine. À ma connaissance, les deux seuls rappeurs (relativement connus) se revendiquant explicitement de l’anti-impérialisme sont Holger Burner et Albino. Si tu prend le collectif de rappeurs antifa à la mode en ce moment en Allemagne, « Tic Tic Boom », ils sont tous blancs. Le seul non-blanc c’est le DJ. Parce que si tu donnes un micro à un basané en Allemagne il ne la fermera JAMAIS sur Israël. La rappeuse antifa Sookee (qui fait partie de ce collectif « Tic Tic Boom) par exemple traite surtout des luttes LGBT, du racisme et parfois de l’antisémitisme dans ses textes mais jamais du Moyen-Orient. Je la connais, elle peut par ailleurs être convaincue par certains de mes textes mais elle refuse de s’engager à mes côtés sur des thèmes pro-palestiniens ou anti-impérialistes et elle est assez présente sur une scène sympathisante des Antideutsch. Par ailleurs, Sookee a fêté la sortie de l’un de ses albums dans le club About Blank, qui apparaît comme un club antifa mais dans lequel tu ne peux pas rentrer si tu portes un Keffieh. Je dirais donc que les Antideutsch n’existent plus de manière très explicite sur la scène rap allemande, mais il me semble que leur idéologie s’est assez largement diffusée.

Propos recueillis et traduits de l’allemand par Selim Nadi, membre du PIR

La page facebook de Kaveh

1 Le mouvement Antideutsch s’est cristallisé au début des années 1990, contre la réunification allemande (avec l’idée que cette réunification entraînerait un « quatrième Reich ») et apparaît comme un mouvement anti-fasciste marxisant. Mais ce qui fait sa particularité, est que son anti-nationalisme allemand se double d’un contre-nationalisme israélien, et qu’il soutient donc la politique coloniale israélienne qu’il voit comme « la violence émancipatrice du peuple juif » contre ceux qu’il considère comme les nouveaux nazis, les héritiers de l’Allemagne des années 1930 : les Arabes. Aujourd’hui, ils ne sont plus très puissants en Allemagne, mais leur idéologie a « contaminée » l’ensemble de la gauche radicale allemande, que ce soit Die Linke ou les mouvements autonomes.

2 Kaveh m’a par la site précisé que les premiers rappeurs allemands étaient non-blancs mais non-connus.

Citation :
Kaveh le forgeron (کاوه آهنگر en Persan, "Kawa" en Kurde) est un personnage mythique de l'ancien Empire Mède et Perse qui mena une révolte populaire des Iraniens contre un horrible roi, Zahhak (Dhaka). Son histoire est racontée dans le poème épique du Xe siècle intitulé Shahnamah du poète Ferdowsi.

Kaveh brandissant le Derafsh Kaviani

Kaveh est le seul personnage mythique qui oppose une résistance à une puissance régnante étrangère en Iran. Après avoir perdu 17 de ses fils pour les serpents de Zahhak, il se rebelle contre ce despote régnant sur l'Iran. Il rassemble le peuple pour renverser le roi tyran et chasser son règne millénaire. Son combat est symbolisé par Derafsh Kaviani, qui est une lance ornée de son tablier de forgeron (une bande de cuir). Sous cette bannière il a appelé les iraniens à mettre fin à la tyrannie, et à ramener Fereydoun, fils d'Abtine, descendant de Jamshid, pour restaurer le trône des rois perses. Lors de l'assassinat d'Abtine par Zahhak, son fils Fereydoun n'avait que trois ans, et il s'était réfugié dans le Mont Alborz avec sa mère Faranak. Le peuple se regroupa derrière Kaveh Ahangar et alla chercher Fereydoun dans sa forteresse à l'âge de seize ans, pour livrer le plus terrible des combats pour vaincre Zahhak. Après la bataille, le peuple victorieux décora la bannière de Kaveh de joyaux.

Ce drapeau est devenu le symbole de l'indépendance de l'Iran, de la résistance et des luttes révolutionnaires des masses laborieuses contre les tyrans et les envahisseurs.

En 1920, né en Iran une république soviétique (République socialiste du Gilan) établie dans la province iranienne du Gilan qui avait pour drapeau, un drapeau drapeau rouge sur laquelle était écrit le nom Kaveh en référence au Derafsh-e Kaviani et symbolisant alors la lutte du mouvement contre le gouvernement central monarchique afin d'établir une république démocratique iranienne.

Jashn-e Mehregan (en) est la célébration de la victoire de Fereydoun sur Zahhak ; c'est aussi le moment où les pluies d'automne commencent à tomber. Aussi chaque année le jour de Nowrooz ou Newroz (jour de l'an Iranien, voir aryen et même zoroastrien), le 21 mars du calendrier chrétien, au Kurdistan irakien, les Kurdes font une représentation théâtrale de cette histoire de Kawa i Ahangar (Kaveh le forgeron).

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MessageSujet: Féminisme, égalité... pour ces rappeuses arabes, le hip hop est une forme d'activisme   Mer 5 Aoû - 12:23

Féminisme, égalité... pour ces rappeuses arabes, le hip hop est une forme d'activisme Ines Hamed  HuffPost Arabi 03/08/2015

Le rap n'est peut-être pas une nouveauté dans le monde arabe, mais cette forme de musique qu'ont rendue célèbre les artistes afro-américains devient inhabituelle quand elle est chantée par des rappeuses arabes.

Israeli youths Amani Tatour (R) and Mai Dmar(L) sing the rap duo 'Damar' (Arabic for destruction) in a studio in the city of Nazareth, northern Israel, on October 27, 2011. Mai and Amane, Arab Israeli teenagers living in Nazareth, are happy to leave talk about boys and make-up to their peers. They have a political message and they're telling it through rap music

Ines Hamed a écrit:
Durant les dernières années, de nombreuses chanteuses de rap arabes ont essayé l'expérience et ont même filmé des vidéo-clips. Leurs textes abordent les thèmes d'importance pour les femmes dans le monde arabe, dont l'égalité, le harcèlement sexuel, le mariage précoce ainsi que la violence faites aux femmes.

Soska - Egypte

Le voile que porte Soska ne l'a pas empêchée de chanter du rap ou de filmer un clip dans lequel elle exécute les fameux gestes de la main pour lesquels sont connus les rappeurs.

Mai Mandour - Arabie Saoudite

Elle vit en Egypte, et elle n'est pas la première rappeuse saoudienne, car d'autres l'ont précédé sur Youtube, mais Mai Mandour est la première à avoir participé à l'émission "Arab Idol" en 2012 pour montrer son talent.

Soultana - Maroc

La chanteuse de rap "Soultana", de son vrai prénom Yousra, a débuté sa carrière il y a 10 ans avec le groupe "Tigresse Flow", composé de quatre filles. Elle a ensuite entamé une carrière solo et a enregistré plusieurs chansons.

Malikah - Liban

Les textes de Malikah parlent de la guerre au Liban, de la politique, du port d'armes. Elle a collaboré avec le rappeur égyptien Rami Issam, célèbre pour ses chansons opposées au système politique en Egypte et ses paroles virulentes. Ils ont filmé ensemble un clip vidéo contre le harcèlement sexuel.

Shadia Mansour - Palestine

Cette palestinienne a consacré son talent pour raconter la souffrance de son peuple et donner une voix, à son combat, en anglais, pour parler à un public occidental.

Malgré les multiples tentatives du rap féminin arabe, l'expérience reste limitée aux vidéos sur Youtube et à quelques concerts, sans produire de véritables albums pour le moment.

Cet article, traduit de l'arabe, a d'abord été publié sur HuffPost Arabi.

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MessageSujet: Re: RADICAL & DECOLONIAL RAP, HIP HOP & MUSIC   Jeu 20 Aoû - 20:19

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MessageSujet: Re: RADICAL & DECOLONIAL RAP, HIP HOP & MUSIC   Ven 4 Sep - 14:25

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MessageSujet: Re: RADICAL & DECOLONIAL RAP, HIP HOP & MUSIC   Ven 11 Sep - 16:49

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MessageSujet: Re: RADICAL & DECOLONIAL RAP, HIP HOP & MUSIC   Ven 23 Oct - 9:44

War Music 08 octobre 2015 |  Par chessy

Elle s'appelle Kate Tempest, c'est une rappeuse et poétesse londonienne. Bonne écoute !

Patlotch a écrit:
elle est très bonne, et de plus, dans ce contexte entourée de musiciens de jazz, a fait des progrès étonnants

j'en ai parlé quelque part, ché plus où

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MessageSujet: Re: RADICAL & DECOLONIAL RAP, HIP HOP & MUSIC   Lun 23 Nov - 3:44

non ce n'est pas du jazz, ni du rap, mais un groupe japonais d'Ôsaka dont la chanteuse est une amie intime de ma compagne et de notre petite famille...

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MessageSujet: Mujeres Trabajando   Sam 12 Déc - 12:22

Mujeres Trabajando : le collectif qui est en train de révolutionner l'univers du hip-hop au Mexique  Traduction publiée le 11 Novembre 2015 17:59 GMT    

La scène du hip-hop au Mexique a été secouée par le collectif Mujeres Trabajando qui, depuis 2009, a réussi, par la musique, la poésie, les arts visuels et la danse, à percer dans un environnement où la misogynie et le machisme prévalent.

Intervention à l'occasion de la Journée Internationale de la Femme et du sixième anniversaire
du Collectif célébré le 8 mars 2015 Photos Giulia Iacolutti

Citation :
Le collectif multidisciplinaire a surgi à l'initiative de Jezzy P et de Ximbo. Actuellement, il est composé de douze artistes, venues de différents coins du Mexique, qui se spécialisent dans l'un des éléments constitutifs du hip-hop.

Selon les informations disponibles sur leur page Facebook, on retrouve parmi leurs objectifs :

Citation :
[…] diffuser et promouvoir la culture en exposant les travaux individuels des membres, à travers des espaces partagés et communautaires. Ainsi, nous favorisons la création artistique réalisée par des femmes et stimulons le développement de ces femmes, le développement intégral de la femme et leur participation active et égalitaire dans les milieux professionnels et artistiques de la société mexicaine.”

Affiche réalisée pour un événement de  “Mujeres Trabajando”
Reproduit avec autorisation depuis leur compte  Instagram

Parmi leurs activités principales, on trouve la réalisation de concerts, de démonstrations de break dance,  de graffiti et d'expositions de photographies, des lectures de poésie à voix haute, mais aussi un atelier de transformation de tee-shirts, à travers lequel elles essaient de développer la culture du recyclage et soutenir l'expression individuelle féminine.

La vidéo qui suit nous montre un résumé de leur premier événement :

Dans un pays où la violence envers la femme est banalisée (de 2012 à 2013, 3892 femmes ont été assassinées, selon l'Observatoire Citoyen National du Féminicide), le collectif Mujeres Trabajando s'est affirmé en tant qu'espace éminent de diffusion et d'expression artistique féminine, défiant les stéréotypes et se confrontant à la discrimination de genre.

Le collectif est sans aucun doute une référence pour l’empoderamiento, une prise de pouvoir des femmes au sein de la culture hip-hop, et plus largement, au sein de la société mexicaine.

Citation :
La unión hace la fuerza en todos los sentidos,
mujeres trabajando compartiendo el sonido
la rosa de los vientos aquí como testigo
juntas sin dañar sin afán de competir
Venimos a mostrar que podemos construir

Rime de Dayra, dans “Ladies Night”

(“L'union fait la force dans tous les sens du terme,
des femmes qui travaillent se partageant le son
avec la rose des vents ici pour témoin
ensemble sans intention de nuire ni désir de compétition
Nous sommes venues montrer que nous pouvions construire.”)

Retrouvez plus d'informations concernant leur travail sur leur blog officiel et les réseaux sociaux : Facebook, Instagram, Twitter et YouTube.

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MessageSujet: Re: RADICAL & DECOLONIAL RAP, HIP HOP & MUSIC   Sam 12 Déc - 13:51

Feminist Afghan Rap

Une rappeuse afghane chante pour échapper à un mariage forcé  Traduction publiée le 19 Mai 2015 17:44 GMT    

Afghan rapper Sonita Alizadeh narrowly escaped a forced marriage at 14 by writing the song "Brides for Sale." She recently visited West Oakland, California, and was surprised that the US, like Iran and Afghanistan, has poor neighborhoods and homeless people. Credit: Shuka Kalantari. Published with PRI's permission.

Citation :
La rappeuse afghane Sonita Alizadeh a écrit la chanson “Épouses à vendre” à 14 ans, qui lui a permis d'échapper de peu à un mariage forcé. Elle a récemment visité le quartier West Oakland, en Californie, et s'est dit surprise qu'aux États-Unis, comme en Iran et en Afghanistan, il existe des quartiers pauvres et des personnes sans abri. Publié avec l'autorisation de PRI (Public Radio International).

Ce reportage radio de Shuka Kalantari pour l'émission The World a été publié pour la première fois sur le 12 mai 2015, et est republié ici dans le cadre d'un partenariat.

J'ai rencontré Sonita Alizadeh quand elle est venue donner son premier concert aux États-Unis. Nous nous baladions, quand elle s'est soudainement arrêtée et a fixé un homme qui jouait avec ses deux petites filles.

Citation :
“Ici, aux États-Unis, un père trouve du temps pour emmener ses filles au parc”, a-t-elle dit. “Là d'où je viens, on ne voit pas ça”.

Sonita vient d'Afghanistan. Elle a 18 ans, elle est petite avec de long cheveux noirs. Si les choses s'étaient déroulées comme l'avaient planifié ses parents, elle aurait été mariée aujourd'hui. “Des fois, je pense au fait que j'aurais pu être mère à l'heure qu'il est — avec quelques enfants. Je n'aime pas penser à ça.”

Sonita a grandi à Téhéran, la capitale iranienne. Sa famille est arrivée à Téhéran quand elle avait huit ans, chassée par la guerre. Sur place, elle a trouvé une ONG qui enseignait aux enfants afghans sans papiers. C'est comme ça qu'elle a appris le karaté, la photographie, la guitare, et qu'elle a commencé à chanter et rapper.

Sa musique a été très vite été repérée. Sonita rencontra un réalisateur iranien qui l'aida à peaufiner son style et à faire des clips, et cela lui fit gagner quelques prix. Tout allait bien. Jusqu'à ce que ça n'aille plus. “Un jour, ma mère m'a dit, “tu dois retourner en Afghanistan avec moi. Là-bas, il y a un homme qui veut t'épouser. Ton frère est fiancé et nous avons besoin de l'argent de ta dot pour payer son mariage.”

Sonita était atterrée. Elle écrivit donc la chanson “Épouses à vendre“. La chanson commence ainsi :

Citation :
“Je vais chuchoter, pour que personne n'entende que je parle de la vente de filles. Ma voix ne doit pas être entendue, car c'est contre la Charia. Les femmes doivent rester muettes… C'est notre tradition.”

La vidéo montre Sonita habillée d'une robe de mariée — avec un code barre sur son front. Son visage est couvert de blessures. Elle supplie sa famille de ne pas la vendre.

Sonita s'inquiétait de ce que ses parents allaient penser de sa vidéo — mais ils l'ont, en fait, adorée — et ils lui ont aussi dit qu'elle n'avait plus à se marier.

Citation :
“Le fait que mes parents se lèvent contre la tradition pour moi, c'était très fort. Maintenant je suis à un endroit où je n'aurais jamais imaginé pouvoir me rendre.”

L'enthousiasme autour de la musique de Sonita lui a permis d'obtenir une bourse pour étudier dans une une académie d'arts en Utah, aux Etats-Unis, et c'est ce qui l'a ammenée à ce concert, ici, sur la baie de San Francisco. Mais avant le concert, Sonita a besoin de répéter. Nous sautons dans ma voiture et nous allons vers le quartier West Oakland.

Sonita était choquée de voir le quartier de West Oakland.
“Êtes-vous en train de me dire qu'en Amérique, il y a des endroits
où on ne peut pas marcher seule le soir?” a-t-elle demandé
Crédit photo: Shuka Kalantari. Publiée avec l'autorisation de PRI

Le studio de répétition se trouve dans un quartier couvert de graffitis. Les deux côtés de la rue sont occupés par des personnes sans abri. Sonita est choquée — ça lui rappelle chez elle.

Citation :
“J'ai grandi dans un quartier aux maisons délabrées où tout le monde était pauvre,” raconte Sonita. “Je ne pouvais pas sortir le soir parce que c'était trop dangereux. Êtes-vous en train de me dire qu'en Amérique aussi, il existe des endroits où on ne peut pas marcher seule la nuit ? Dans ce cas, où d'autre une personne peut-elle se trouver en sécurité?”

Quelques temps après le concert, Sonita lut un article sur une femme appelée Farkhondeh,  lapidée et battue à mort pour avoir brûlé un exemplaire du Coran. Sonita eut le coeur brisé. Elle fit alors ce qu'elle savait faire le mieux : elle écrivit une chanson là-dessus.

Citation :
“Le rap te permet de raconter ton histoire à d'autres gens. Le rap, c'est l'endroit où je partage les mots qui sont dans mon coeur.”

Et parfois le rap est le moyen d'exprimer une tristesse, une colère, que les femmes afghanes n'ont pas le droit de montrer. Bien que Sonita vive maintenant à plus de 7 000 miles [11.200 kilomètres] de son pays, elle dit qu'elle chantera toute sa vie à propos de ce qui lui est le plus cher : le peuple d'Afghanistan.

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Dernière édition par Patlotch le Sam 12 Déc - 14:03, édité 1 fois
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MessageSujet: Re: RADICAL & DECOLONIAL RAP, HIP HOP & MUSIC   Sam 12 Déc - 14:02

Feminist Cuban Hip Hop

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MessageSujet: Re: RADICAL & DECOLONIAL RAP, HIP HOP & MUSIC   Sam 12 Déc - 14:23

Akua Naru

GreenTown Jazz 2015 (Full concert)

Poetry: How Does It Feel Now???

Citation :
Akua Naru propose une version plus féminine, poétique, consciente et sociale de la culture Hip-Hop, dont elle revendique l’héritage boom-bap, intégrant quelques éléments jazz et soul.

Surtout influencé par le jazz, la néo soul, le blues et le R&B, The Miners Canary gagne des points avec une esthétique marqué par le hip hop beaucoup plus claire que le premier album de Akua Naru The Journey Aflame paru en 2011. Une évolution du Sound que la chanteuse, poète et maître de conférence doit à son amitié avec le batteur, chanteur et producteur Bernard Purdie (entre autres un des créateurs de la bande originale du film réputé de blaxploitation-porno « Lialeh » extrêmement désiré dans les cercles de collectionneurs de vinyles) et l’influence qu’il a exercé sur sa compréhension de la musique et la production.

The Miner’s Canary est née après deux ans de travail et enregistré exclusivement avec du matériel analogue dans différents studios à Bruxelles, Amsterdam, Paris, Cologne, Berlin, New York, Harare, et Sao Paulo.

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MessageSujet: Re: RADICAL & DECOLONIAL RAP, HIP HOP & MUSIC   Mer 16 Déc - 7:23

HipHop’s Origins as Organic Decolonization
Damon Sajnani April 2, 2015

Scholars routinely recognize HipHop’s political potential but this relation is commonly construed as incidental rather than definitive. Others have gestured to the colonization of HipHop in reference to the way minstrel stereotypes have replaced Afrocentric consciousness as the dominant theme in major label U.S. rap recordings post-1992. However, this leaves the antecedent relation of HipHop to colonization merely implied. This brief article outlines the more fundamental connection between HipHop culture and politics, specifically the politics of decolonization. HipHop culture, at its origins, is an organic decolonization of local urban space by internally colonized people in post-industrial 1970s New York.

Damon Sajnani a écrit:
To properly understand the relationship between HipHop and decolonization, we need to first specify the relationship between race and colonialism. Races are not what racial discourse presents them to be: discreet human populations identified by internal characteristics—either biological or cultural. Rather: races are colonial subjectivities naturalized as inherent identities. In other words, existing racial categories are legacies of the European slave trade and colonialism. Those relations of subordination were established and are maintained by coercive force and are reified by racial discourse. From this, it follows that anti-racism is not about reducing mutual antagonism between races, but rather working to destroy the colonial situation: to eliminate the relations of domination that exist between white and non-white populations. It is always and only a question of power; that is to say, of politics.

Recognizing race as inherently political and colonial entails a redefinition of Blackness relative to colonial power. Politics is the dynamics of power in human relations. Black liberation theorists have always understood the necessity of rejecting white definitions of Blackness and redefining it in accordance with the liberation imperative of Black people. Despite bourgeois protest, Black liberationists inevitably and correctly define Blackness to entail a commitment to anti-racism. Further, understanding race through the lens of colonial subjectivities brings into relief the reality of Blacks in America as internally colonized people, as in the analyses of Kwame Ture and others (Ture 2007, see also Ball 2011).

The South Bronx, which remains the poorest district in the United States today, is the birthplace of HipHop culture. In post-industrial America, the landscape of 1970s New York offered one of the world’s most dramatic illustrations of destitute poverty existing side-by-side with obscene luxury. New York City—home of the statue of liberty, the country’s most emblematic embodiment of the American dream—broadcasted to the world the notion that it was a place of equal opportunity, where “anyone can make it.” Above all else, American culture sells the notion that happiness comes with success, and success is measured in material acquisition. The mantra of meritocracy naturalizes the notion that the ‘haves’ deserve what they have, and the ‘have-nots’ are those who have not worked hard enough. They are the undeserving. The American dream is often articulated in relatively humble terms, as when Obama said, in a 2012 campaign ad, “To me the idea of America is that no matter who you are, where you come from or what you look like, you can make it if you try, Jay-Z did.” Well, humble except for the individual used as an example. Undoubtedly, the dominant cultural industries of film, television, and music glorify exorbitant wealth as the marker of success and the arbiter of happiness.

In essence, the “American dream” is the denial of the reality of socioeconomic stratification in the United States. It is the denial that social identities such as gender, race, and class play a role in the allocation of rights, opportunities, and resources. The American dream serves as the ideological obfuscation of America’s leading role in the perpetuation of local and global inequality through capitalism and neocolonialism. It is a cornerstone of American culture, the culture which justifies the existing American social structure. It is amidst and against this culture that HipHop is created. Understanding race through the lens of colonialism, and enduring neocolonial relations, allows for a much more concrete understanding of both the politics of HipHop and its role in decolonization.

Proper consideration of the colonial constitution of race foregrounds the anti-colonial imperative of Blackness and the applicability of Fanon’s analysis in Wretched of the Earth to the struggle for Black liberation in the United States. Fanon understood that colonialism is established and maintained through a complex mixture of coercive force and ideological domination. National culture within the colonial context is the construction of a local culture suited to the specific needs of the colonized people that subverts and destroys the culture of the colonizer. It is important to note that Black nationalism, or third world nationalism is, at its best, qualitatively distinct from European nationalism. As opposed to the latter’s tendency towards fascism and parochialism, Black nationalism is inherently diasporic: it is an internationalist nationalism (Prashad 2008; Fanon 2005, p. xxvi). Bakari Kitwana popularized the term “the HipHop Generation” partly as an alternative to “the HipHop nation,” which was popular in the mid-90s but which was conceptually ungrounded (Kitwana 2002, xiii). This article aims to provide such a grounding. As I argue here, the origins of HipHop in the U.S. constitute the organic development of national culture in the Fanonian sense. In other words, it constitutes the evolution of a diasporic Black nationalism in opposition to the inherent anti-Black racism of American culture.

HipHop culture is born out of the concurrent and convergent evolution of the arts of graffiti, break dancing, Dj-ing and emceeing. While HipHop is often identified in terms of these “elements,” the whole is greater than the sum of its parts; the culture is more than the sum of its arts. In other words, the arts are expressions of the culture, but the culture is to be understood in terms of the values that the arts seek to express. While all practitioners are theorists at some level, Afrika Bambaataa is the first to have extrapolated and explained these values. His famous and succinct formulation, immortalized in his duet with James Brown, is that HipHop represents “peace, unity, love, and having fun.” However, understanding the politics of this formulation requires attention to its contextual specificity. Without this attention, the simplicity of the formulation that aids its resonance can cause it to be taken for a generic inspirational mantra as opposed to the counterhegemonic politics that it actually represents.

“Peace, unity, love, and having fun” must be understood in the immediate context of its formulation: as a rejection of the contemporary reality of its antithesis, the reigning conditions of violence, disunity, hatred, and misery generated by (internal) colonialism. Most immediately, HipHop is created by and for urban Black and Brown folks in the U.S., but Bambaataa and HipHop were diasporic from the beginning in myriad ways. These include the African diasporic character of Bambaataa’s persona and organization, as well as the Caribbean and Asian influences in the formation of the culture. Bambaataa’s founding Afrocentrism is grounded in his initial trip to Africa and was perpetuated through his advocacy and development of the Zulu Nation as a worldwide HipHop organization. HipHop’s Caribbean influence is well documented in terms of sound system culture, but less so in terms of how certain patterns of lyrical delivery pioneered in reggae influenced the development of rap (a subject of my future research). Significantly, the Asiatic influence, as articulated by KRS-One, is directly related to anti-colonial Afro-Asian solidarity.

B-boy pioneers developed breakdance moves through the study of Bruce Lee’s martial arts films. According to KRS-One, at the point of HipHop’s origins in 1973, Bruce Lee was HipHop’s archetype: “His attitude, his character, is what HipHop was trying to mimic.” He explains, “In that time we’re all dressing like Bruce Lee… Everybody in early HipHop in the Bronx was Bruce Lee. Everybody… He was not just a Kung Fu martial artist to the hood, to the Bronx ghetto, he was a mythical hero… He had [Jim] Kelly with him. Young black kids in the hood we never seen no black dude with an afro doing Karate beating up the police” (KRS-One’s emphasis, see also Kelley, p. 124 in That’s the Joint). Bruce Lee’s persona was modeled after his teacher, Yip Man, an icon of Chinese national pride amidst and against British and Japanese occupation. The shared anti-colonial ethic evident in HipHop’s Asiatic influences are most immediately rooted in the anti-colonial struggles of the 1960s but are more fundamentally founded in the origins of global white supremacy: Europe’s self-constitution in contradistinction to Africa and the Orient (Said 1978, Mudimbe 1988).

HipHop’s proclamations of peace and unity, far from generic genuflections to pacifism, constitute the cultivation of community among the colonially conquered and divided. In his preface to Wretched of the Earth, Jean-Paul Sartre discusses how the injustice of colonization breeds a “repressed rage” that “wreaks havoc on the oppressed themselves,” and reactionarily manifests through the oppressed turning on each other, as “tribes …battle one against the other since they cannot confront the real enemy—and you can count on colonial policy to fuel rivalries” (Fanon 2005, p. lii). In 1970s New York, this self-destructive “Black nihilism,” to use Cornel West’s term, manifested as gang violence. According to Fanon, revolutionaries create national culture to develop the communal unity required to confront their oppression. Bambaataa parlayed his social capital as the leader of the Black Spades into such a culture, as violent confrontations were sublimated to artistic competitions, which in turn developed cultural identification and solidarity. From an anticolonial lens, we see that the politics of peace and unity among the colonized empowers them to direct their righteous rage at the colonizer, whose front line is the police.

Anti-police sentiment does not need to be taught to those who live under occupation—they live it. As has been highlighted by recent instances of police brutality and murder across the country, Malcolm X’s precise analysis in 1964 rings as true today as it did fifty years ago, when he paralleled the African revolution that Fanon had joined with the one Malcolm was waging against America. Just substitute “Ferguson” for “Harlem” in the following speech: “Algeria was a police state. Any occupied territory is a police state; and this is what Harlem is. Harlem is a police state; the police in Harlem [are] like an occupying army. They’re not in Harlem to protect us… they’re in Harlem to protect the interests of the businessmen who don’t even live there” (May 29, 1964, Malcolm X Speaks 1965, p. 66).

Homi Bhabha’s introduction to Wretched of the Earth (2005) treats Fanon’s opening meditations on violence as unfortunate relics of a by-gone era, and wonders if Fanon can be recuperated in spite of these. Yet, if Fanon’s theory found expression in the U.S. with the Black Panther refrain “Off the Pigs!” and Malcolm X’s aborted plans to assassinate murderous LAPD officers (Marable 2011, p. 207), it continues to resonate through HipHop with the innumerable variations of “Fuck the Police” from N.W.A. (1988) to Jasiri X’s inspiring new “Don’t Let Them Get Away with Murder” (See, for more examples, X-Clan “F.T.P.,” Public Enemy “Anti-Nigger Machine,” Ice-T “Cop Killer,” Paris, “Coffee, Donuts and Death,” Main Source “Friendly game of Baseball,” dead prez “”I Have A Dream, Too,” J-Dilla “Fuck the Police,” among others).

The politics of “having fun” are overlooked by those who imagine early HipHop to have been “apolitical.” While graffiti writing was always fun and only rarely contained explicitly political critiques, it was akin to guerilla warfare in many respects. Originally called “bombing” trains, graffiti writing consisted of the clandestine and “illegal” high-jacking of trains and other public spaces to generate visibility for the invisible. Similarly, the original Bronx block parties were powered by stolen electricity, which constitutes the repossession of public goods. The repositioning of public parties as the place to be against the backdrop of the hyper-exclusivity exemplified in that era by Studio 54 is counterhegemonic.

Similarly, early rap lyrics, which focused on partying and “having fun,” constitute political resistance by a people living in a nation whose credo included “the pursuit of happiness,” yet systematically denied it to them. While the smug celebration of capitalist excess by modern rap minstrels is defended by some as having been part of HipHop from the beginning, this reasoning is flawed. The political meanings of cultural productions are constituted relative to the obtaining relations of power. Thus, Grandmaster Caz’s lyrics that appear on “Rapper’s Delight” (1979), boasting about owning “two big cars” and “a color TV,” do not embody the same politics as Jay-Z’s lyrics thirty plus years later, when he brags about owning two “big face rollies” and a private jet (“Otis,” Watch the Throne 2011). Rhymes that playfully fantasize about material luxury by a rapper who lacks these things to an audience of this community that lacks them is a satirical commiseration and collective assertion of self-worth in spite of material depravity. It constitutes an affirmation of self-esteem amongst a community denied dignity. Conversely, when a pop star rhymes about his actual obscene wealth acquired through participation in the system that causes mass material destitution for most Blacks, he participates in that denial of dignity that HipHop evolved to solve.

On the politics of love, Richard Iton writes, “Love itself, the subversive gift, is an important public good, and loving is a significant political act, particularly among those stigmatized and marked as unworthy of love and incapable of deep commitment” (Iton 2008, p. Cool. As HipHop grows out of Black power, the vindication and cultivation of Black love, according to Kwame Ture, is the foundation for a non-oppressive society. He said, “the society we seek to build among black people… is not a capitalist one. It is a society in which the spirit of community and humanistic love prevail. The word “love” is suspect; black expectations of what it might produce have been betrayed too often. But those were expectations of a response from the white community, which failed us. The love we seek to encourage is within the black community, the only American community where men call each other “brother” when they meet” (Ture 2007, p. 29).

Thus, long before HipHop found its overtly political voice through the likes of Melle Mel, Rakim, KRS-One, Chuck D, MC Lyte and others, it was engaged in political rebellion by fostering peace, unity, love, and fun amongst a people systematically denied these rights. When rap lyrics revived and revised Black power’s discourse and sociopolitical critiques, these artists were not so much “politicizing” HipHop as they were theorizing and articulating its purpose and meaning to its community. HipHop was fundamentally about self-definition, self-value, self-esteem, and unification in the face of adversity: all crucial prerequisites for decolonization according to Fanon.

Fanon did not stop at describing and celebrating the development of national culture; he also analyzed its potential pitfalls. He specified how neocolonialism arose from colonial powers granting formal independence, while installing a local bourgeoisie who are handsomely compensated to perpetuate the same relations of production and exploitation of the colonial situation. The principal leverage of these local leaders lies in the legitimacy they claim through the performance of national culture, i.e., a shallow anti-colonial posturing that celebrates themselves as symbols of independence even as they perpetuate the economic order keeping the conditions of the colonized unchanged.

Under internal colonialism in the U.S., select Black performers and entertainment moguls constitute part of this Black national bourgeoisie. They perpetuate the political economy of capitalist white supremacy by selling Americanism and its attendant anti-Black politics shrouded in Black cultural aesthetics. These include the rap mascots for capitalism (Sajnani 2014). They deploy the aesthetics of HipHop while promoting the oppressor’s cultural values that keep HipHop’s constituents impoverished en masse. This is not so much the colonization of HipHop as the co-optation of the tools of decolonization of the already colonized. For HipHoppers committed to Black, Brown, and Indigenous liberation, part of our work involves resisting the appropriation of HipHop and elaborating its original mission. This mission, I have argued, follows from the organic resistance inherent in the creation of a culture of peace, unity, love, and having fun by racially oppressed people in the context of post-industrial destitution.

Damon Sajnani aka is a HipHop artist, activist, and academic. He holds multiple degrees from the University of Toronto and Northwestern University. He is the Inaugural Nasir Jones Hip Hop Fellow at the W.E.B. Du Bois Institute at Harvard University and Assistant Professor of African Languages and Literature at the University of Wisconsin-Madison beginning fall 2015. His research interests include Africana culture, politics, and philosophy, socio-political theory, race/racism, geopolitics, social justice, and global HipHop studies. As “” (pronounced Professor D dot US), the lead emcee of The Dope Poet Society, he has released four critically acclaimed CDs as well as his latest solo album THIRD WORLD WARriors Vol. 1 on Justus League Records.

Academic website:

Artist website:

Twitter: @profd


Cited Works:

Ball, Jared. 2007 “Hip-Hop, Mass Media and 21st Century Colonization”

Ball, Jared A. I Mix What I like!: A Mixtape Manifesto. Oakland; Edinburgh: AK Press, 2011.

Brown, Scot, and Clayborne Carson. Fighting for Us. New York: NYU Press, 2003.

Fanon, Frantz. The Wretched of the Earth. Translated by Richard Philcox. Reprint edition. New York: Grove Press, 2005.

Iton, Richard. In Search of the Black Fantastic: Politics and Popular Culture in the Post-Civil Rights Era. Oxford University Press, USA, 2008.

Joseph, Peniel E. Waiting ’Til the Midnight Hour: A Narrative History of Black Power in America. First Edition edition. New York: Henry Holt and Co., 2006.

KRS-ONE CSULA Full Lecture

Marable, Manning. Malcolm X: A Life of Reinvention. Reprint edition. New York: Penguin Books, 2011.

Mudimbe, V. Y. The Invention of Africa: Gnosis, Philosophy, and the Order of Knowledge (African Systems of Thought). 1St Edition edition. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1988.

Omi, Michael, and Howard Winant. Racial Formation in the United States. 3 edition. New York: Routledge, 2014.

Prashad, Vijay. The Darker Nations: A People’s History of the Third World. New Press, The, 2008.

Said, Edward W. Orientalism. New York: Pantheon Books, 1978.

Sajnani, Damon. Rapping in the Light: American Africanism and Rap Minstrelsy. Souls: A Critical Journal of Black Politics, Culture and Society. December 11, 2014. 16:3-4, 303-329, DOI:10.1080/10999949.2014.968975

Sajnani, Damon. Book Review: Ntarangwi, Mwenda. East African Hip Hop: Youth Culture and Globalization. Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 2009. Callaloo. Forthcoming 2015.

Ture, Kwame [Stokely Carmichael], and Charles V Hamilton. Black Power: The Politics of Liberation in America. New York: Vintage Books, 1992.

Ture, Kwame [Stokely Carmichael]. Stokely Speaks: From Black Power to Pan-Africanism. Chicago, Ill.: Chicago Review Press, 2007.

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MessageSujet: Re: RADICAL & DECOLONIAL RAP, HIP HOP & MUSIC   Jeu 17 Déc - 5:33

The Crisis To Come

from communisation by BILLY BAO  December 3, 2015

The Crisis To Come

we are going down
in a spiral of defeat
bonds in the future
derivatives increase

no longer
just money-money

no longer
just money-money

where is my body?
where is nobody?

privatize the profit
socialize the loss
algorithmic hordes
of parasitic vampires
accelerating extension
of explotation and

let them throw themselves
out of windows without future
of buildings without cause

like Amaia Egaña 53 years old
with a husband and son
they will never see her again
she jumped out of the window
before the police
came for her home
mortgage for La Caixa,
now a body on the road
cold in Barakaldo
cold in the world

bodies work
bodies die
bodies rot
debt arise

speculation for the market
self-valorisation is the goal
high-frequency trading
in fictitious capital
showing their
equilibrium of equality
by information asymmetries
risk and automatic subjects
what you get: flash crash
structural inequality
unjust disparities
food price spikes
starvation and

don't sell me a
Hollywood ending

don't sell me a
Hollywood ending

don't sell me a
Hollywood ending

Black Vinyl

Listen: Billy Bao's Mattin and Xabier Erkizia in Lagos playlist

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MessageSujet: Re: RADICAL & DECOLONIAL RAP, HIP HOP & MUSIC   Dim 20 Déc - 6:30

vidéos trouvées sur le blog

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MessageSujet: Re: RADICAL & DECOLONIAL RAP, HIP HOP & MUSIC   Dim 20 Déc - 6:43

Jeff Le Nerf

PROD :NIZI Kids Of crackling

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MessageSujet: Re: RADICAL & DECOLONIAL RAP, HIP HOP & MUSIC   Ven 5 Fév - 14:24

toi, ton identité, c'est d'être
la créature ratée

affreux, bêtes et dangereux

tellement à faire

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MessageSujet: Re: RADICAL & DECOLONIAL RAP, HIP HOP & MUSIC   Ven 5 Fév - 14:34

La Rumeur

Le rap perd de son intérêt s'il ne plonge plus dans les préoccupations
des quartiers et de l'immigration

c'est vraiment une affaire de clivage social


Interview du groupe de rap, La Rumeur, après son concert lors du festival des musiques alternatives Interférences, à Strasbourg

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MessageSujet: Re: RADICAL & DECOLONIAL RAP, HIP HOP & MUSIC   Ven 5 Fév - 21:13

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Date d'inscription : 29/04/2015
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MessageSujet: Re: RADICAL & DECOLONIAL RAP, HIP HOP & MUSIC   Jeu 18 Fév - 17:29

La cérémonie des 58e Grammy Awards, qui a eu lieu le 15 février, a été marquée par la performance, visuelle et lyrique, du rappeur Kendrick Lamar. C'est ce qu'on se dit ce matin du 16 et c'est ce qu'on dira quand on se rappellera de la 58e édition de grand show organisé tous les ans par l’industrie musicale américaine.

Citation :
Son arrivée, menotté sur scène, a d'emblée marqué les esprits. Pendant presque dix minutes, il a joué un medley de ses morceaux, The Blacker the Berry et Alright. Au-delà du recensement des combats de la communauté afro-américaine, notamment en prison, Kendrick Lamar a rendu hommage aux victimes des violences policières aux Etats-Unis. « Le 26 février, j'ai perdu la vie, moi aussi », a-t-il dit, une référence à Trayvon Martin, un adolescent noir tué en Floride en 2012.

A la fin de la performance du rappeur, la silhouette du continent africain est apparue derrière lui, portant le nom de sa ville d'origine, Compton, quartier pauvre de Los Angeles qui fournit l'Amérique en stars du gangsta rap depuis la fin des années 1980.

Un tel engagement politique de la part de Kendrick Lamar n'est ni une surprise ni une nouveauté. Il suffit de remonter sa discographie à To Pimp a Butterfly, même avant avec Good Kid, M.A.A.D City. La seule différence est qu'il n'avait jamais eu un podium aussi médiatique que la scène de ces Grammy.

Qui se souviendra d'autre chose dans cinq ans ?

Comme la performance de Beyoncé dans la vidéo de la chanson Formation, sortie en début de mois, celle de Kendrick a été disséquée, analysée et débattue aux Etats-Unis, d'autant que le mois de février est « le mois de l'histoire afro-américaine ». La vague d'éloges, qui saluent à la fois sa musique et son courage, est conséquente. On imagine que les détracteurs, comme ceux qui ont été choqués par le show de Beyoncé au Super Bowl, feront aussi entendre leurs voix.  [...]

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MessageSujet: Re: RADICAL & DECOLONIAL RAP, HIP HOP & MUSIC   Jeu 25 Fév - 11:29

retour à Aldo Villegas, plus connu sous son nom d'artiste Bocafloja, rappeur, poète... de Mexico, qui ouvre ce sujet...

Decolonial Poetic Exhale / Descarga Poética Decolonial

Citation :
Our newest literary creation "Prognosis; decolonial poetic exhale" written by Bocafloja with the collaboration of Sidony O'neal in the literary tran-screation.

Poetry, short stories, genres that intersect, interact, and reinterpret each other, formats that fearlessly disrupt and discursively defy the canon of antisceptic literature that continues to dominate.

Decolonial narrative, auto-cartography and self determination.

Prognosis is unlearning oppression through the body.

Nuestro mas reciente proyecto literario : "Prognosis; descarga poética decolonial" escrito por Bocafloja en colaboración con Sidony O'neal en la transcreacion literaria al ingles. Prognosis es una colección de poesía, ensayo e historias cortas , en la cual los géneros se reinterpretan y entremezclan sin miedo a incomodar y desafiar discursivamente a la asepsia literaria dominante. Narrativa decolonial, auto-cartografía y autodeterminación.

Prognosis es desaprender la opresión a través del cuerpo.

Includes unlimited streaming of  Conquista ft Stahhr, Atiyya   via the free Bandcamp app, plus high-quality download in MP3, FLAC and more
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MessageSujet: Re: RADICAL & DECOLONIAL RAP, HIP HOP & MUSIC   Lun 14 Mar - 9:31

Sonora de Luchar - "Mira ese barco" (decolonial) + "Lukita"

Sonora de Luchar, Festival CNT, Mai 2015, à la Parole Errante, Montreuil, France.

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